My TCW week in review – thanks to Douglas Murray

January 12, 2025

HE DOESN’T YET know it, but I have essentially handed over this week’s ‘in review’ to Douglas Murray. No one says it better on the non-revelations (having been in the public domain for years) that have come fast and furious about the Pakistani rape gangs (now we are allowed to call a spade, a spade) since Elon Musk started chucking his truth bombs from the other side of the Atlantic. We, thankfully, are amongst those ‘happy few, we band of brothers’, that Murray referred to in a Spectator podcast that I listened to at the start of the week, who have a consistent record of reporting and correctly analysing this national scandal and moral stain on Britain, from as early as 2014, to the present day (you can find the list of our articles at the end).

Over the years we have detailed both the facts of the matter and the reasons (multiculturalism and ‘racism’) for the leftist-led conspiracy of silence. You will see if you track through them that these critiques and analyses with each new eruption of scandal were spot on from the start and covered every angle of the cover up.

Bu this week, no one has explained or summarised better than Douglas Murray the damage done by the elites’ ‘shoot the messenger’ working-class contempt (and yes, they are still doing it, two egregious examples these past weeks being Tom Harwood of GB News and, sadly, Melanie Phillips), and the spurious argument that ‘but for Tommy Robinson’ it would have all been dealt with. As Murray says, attempting to shoot the messenger is a uniquely British vice and has been a consistent aspect of this story. Smearing the messenger is key to it:

‘All of this is a deflection – let’s leap at one of the people who has responded to this and say they did it wrong. And then we can keep on not addressing the question.’

Murray goes on to recount ‘a story so grotesque’, almost as if it had come from ‘the fevered brain of a sort’ of the ‘most extreme racist fringe’, that the first reaction was ‘it really would be better if this story was suppressed’.

But what then, he asks, when working-class people in this country, who had girls in their family drugged and raped by Muslim gangs, went to the police and councils and didn’t get any help? When they went to their MPs, and generally didn’t get any help? What then if they then organised a protest movement? Murray answers his own questions: ‘So-called anti-fascist groups would immediately say, “Ah, far-right”, because, of course, if you’re working class in our country and you don’t like the mass rape of young white girls, you, of course, necessarily, must be a Nazi.’

He recounts, too, how police would ignore girls and their families, sometimes actually arresting them, the victims; how Ann Cryer, a lifelong left-wing working-class Labour MP, after trying to raise the alarm, ‘was not only smeared as an Islamophobe and a racist, but required police protection for a period’.

All done, he explains, ‘to make it utterly impossible for anybody to discuss this’ and, in particular, to crack down as hard as possible on anyone who was white, working-class and felt voiceless: ‘Instead of giving these people any sympathy or any hearing, most of the media, most of the political class turned away […] What we’ve been seeing in recent days is one perfectly predictable repercussion of that.’

He has little time for the Labour MPs and others who are now saying, ‘But don’t you know we’ve had lots of inquiries into this. Don’t you know lots of people have gone to jail?’

The various inquiries, as we too have consistently reported at TCW, meant very little in the end, doing nothing to sort out the actual problem. Most significant however is the point he illuminates about how, out of the number of accusations of rape, the number of girls in all of these towns who say they’ve been raped, is the small proportion of men who have been convicted and went to prison – often already released – that ‘can only be a fraction of the number of people who actually took part in this obscene sexual crime’. A fact that Tommy Robinson, a citizen journalist, has gone to pains to research and verify.

All this, Murray says, makes absolute nonsense of anyone who says ‘ah, Tommy Robinson made it impossible’:

‘If you have a courageous media, if you have just independent-minded people, if you have counsellors who know how to do their darn job and policemen who are not, as the reports and commissions found out, incredibly scared of being accused of institutional racism, which of course has been hanging over the police force for some 40 years now, 30 years, certainly. If all these people had been doing their jobs, it wouldn’t matter what Tommy Robinson had or had not said.’

The question, which he says he has asked himself for many years now, is ‘what are you allowed to say and what are you allowed to do, and how are you allowed to express yourself if you don’t have the platform,’ if, like these girls and their families, you have no means of getting your concern or outrage out there (except now by X to your own risk and cost)? When privileged main stream journalists are failing them and in their own duty?

What are you allowed to do if your daughter has been raped by a Muslim gang in one of these towns? And, for instance, if you go to the local authorities and the local authorities tell you that it’s your 13-year-old daughter’s fault? What of the spokespeople for the children in care homes whose rape and abuse was assisted by the people who were meant to have a duty of care over these vulnerable girls? An example from Oxford that Murray cites, he summarises as ‘utterly disgusting’, yet, as he says, there has been case after case like that: ‘of police chiefs in Rochester; of counsellors in places like Telford; of MPs who knew about this, and then gave measly, weaselly, mealy-mouthed apologies years later, if they apologised at all. And not one of these people suffered. Not just did they not go to prison – most of them didn’t even lose their jobs, and that that is a scandal on top of a scandal’.

Like Murray, every right thinking person should be relieved that Britain’s shame has finally got international attention. That’s the good news, though as he says too, ‘everybody should have known this at the time, because a lot of people did know it at the time and tried to raise these concerns’.

Why didn’t it break as a story to the extent it should have done, he asks finally. And then he nails it: For the simple but appalling reason that ‘police, MPs, council officials and others – including the CPS – decided it was more important not to give what they saw as a gift to the phantasm of the far-right in the UK, not to give them the gift of this story’. (My italics.)

You can listen to the full podcast here.

TCW’s articles in chronological order since 2014 (the year this website started) on this national scandal from my first searches of our archive follow. It may well not be a complete list.

August 7th 2014, Multiculturalism slays Rotherham’s young girls – David Keighley

September 3 2014, Forget about the latest Rotherham “inquiry”. It’s just a way of passing the buck – Laura Perrins

August 27 2014, Status report from South Yorkshire 2014. Gang rape is part of growing up – Laura Perrins

August 30 2014 Why do people vote for the kind of heartless cretins who run Rotherham? – Laura Perrins

February 5 2015, In the Rotherham madhouse, PC multiculturalism trumps child safety every time – David Keighley

Feb 5 2015, Rotherham’s child abuse scandal proves again that government is the problem and not the solution – Kathy Gyngell

March 4 2015, Liberal attitude to underage sex at heart of Oxford abuse scandal – Laura Perrins

July 5 2015, Wealthy elites get by without fathers. But not poor girls from Rotherham – Laura Perrins

September 12 2015, The child rape horror stems from the disappearance of working class fathers – Laura Perrins

March 10 2016, Feminists turn a blind eye to the horrors perpetrated by third-world migrant men Paul Horgan

May 11 2017, Child sex abuse scandal sparked by official policy – David Paton

August 15 2017, Sarah Champion safeguards plain-speaking Brits – Jane Kelly