I HAVE just been made aware of a truly astonishing propaganda campaign by the radical hard left group Stand Up to Racism, who are behind many of the supposedly organic ‘anti-racism’ marches and events called in opposition to right-wing and populist campaigns such as Raise the Colours.
Stand Up to Racism (SUTR), like many hard left organisations, presents itself as representing decency and kindness, and as with similar activist fronts (Hope Not Hate springs to mind) seems to think that giving itself a name that suggests that it is opposing wicked things is sufficient to fool most people into considering it a force for good. This certainly seems to be the case with the major British unions, who provide over 90 per cent of SUTR’s funding.
The organisation was formed in 2013, and from the beginning was an example of the leftist facility for creating a complicated nest of linked organisations. It has a sister organisation, Unite Against Fascism (UAF), with which it shares leadership structures, key personnel and campaign activities. Joint secretaries Weyman Bennett and Sabby Dhalu, as well as President Diane Abbott, represent both groups to an extent which has even led other hard left groups and writers to criticise this operational structure.
For those of us opposed to the Islamic conquest of Britain, the most glaring name leaping out from the leadership structure of SUTR is that of Talha Ahmed of the Muslim Council of Britain, who co-chairs the SUTR. Both organisations work closely together, and SUTR propaganda extols the virtues of Islam and of Islamic immigrant communities almost as extensively as Keir Starmer or the Muslim Council does.
Even the left, though, object to certain aspects of SUTR organisation and behaviour. An AI inquiry on controversies regarding the organisation returns, among other things, the following:
‘While SUTR presents itself as a broad coalition of trade unions, community groups, and activists, it is frequently described by critics – including prominent left-wing figures like Owen Jones, Novara Media personalities, and various university student unions – as a “front” organisation for the SWP [Socialist Workers Party].
‘This criticism intensified following a 2013 scandal within the SWP involving allegations of rape and sexual assault against a senior member known as “Comrade Delta”. The party’s internal handling of the case, which many viewed as a cover-up, led to a mass exodus of members. Critics argue that the SWP subsequently used SUTR to “launder” its reputation and recruit new members, particularly students unaware of the scandal, by operating under the banner of anti-racism rather than explicit socialism. SUTR and the SWP deny these claims, asserting that SUTR is an independent, broad-based movement.’
So here we have something of a pattern developing. Stand Up to Racism claims to be a moral force opposing wickedness such as racism and bigotry. But it’s accused, even by the left, of being a front for the Socialist Workers Party, which is essentially a Communist organisation with long links to activist violence. It’s intimately connected with the Muslim Council of Britain, and it both excuses Muslim sexual crimes within Britain while covering up rape and sexual assault scandals within its own organisation.
That, however, is not the end of the controversies associated with Stand Up to Racism, but only the beginning. As Abbott’s presence indicates and as union funding confirms, the organisation has strong Labour Party links as well that undermine claims of being an independent body concerned with a specific cause.
Stand Up to Racism is co-chaired by Dave Ward, leader of the Communication Workers Union. The CWU has 200,000 members and represents workers in the Royal Mail and parcel and letter delivery companies such as Parcelforce and DPD. It covers telecommunications staff, such as those at British Telecom (Openreach), EE, Virgin Media O2 and Plusnet. Its membership is also drawn from staff working for major companies with any communications aspects such as in banking (Santander), business process outsourcing (Capita, Teleperformance), and technology (Google, Apple, Microsoft, Accenture).
Other major unions providing funding include the Public and Commercial Services Union (PCS), National Education Union (NEU), RMT, University and College Union (UCU), Fire Brigades Union (FBU), UNISON, and the National Union of Journalists (NUJ). The Trades Union Congress (TUC) co-sponsors SUTR’s annual March demonstration for UN Anti-Racism Day.
The annual operating budget is sufficient to fund 24 full-time staff, multiple campaigns across social media and legacy media, and the organisation and delivery of between 15 and 25 protests per year, including supplies of mass-produced banners (Refugees Welcome and the like). Typically these events draw crowds of 5,000 to 10,000 but are very effective in presenting a narrative of supposedly spontaneous local resistance to Tommy Robinson marches or anti-asylum and anti-mass immigration protests, especially as mainstream media consistently inflate the numbers of ‘anti-racist’ campaigners and show a tenderly affectionate disregard for any violence coming from these groups (in stark contrast to their portrayal of any populist or right-wing gathering).
What groups such as Stand Up to Racism actually do is allow the left to pretend that there is a huge groundswell of public support for open borders, asylum hotels, mass immigration and the importation of radically alien cultures with often dangerous and barbaric attitudes, when really no such support exists (outside a few student-dominated cities such as Brighton or Bristol) save via this network of artificial, union-funded activism.
It’s when we look at the media campaigns Stand Up to Racism conducts though, that its internal sexual controversies and Muslim Council links become even more blatantly sinister. Astonishingly, this is a real SUTR poster which was spread online by the organisation in the wake of the exposure of the vast, industrial-scale rape of white British children by Pakistani Muslim grooming gangs.
A blonde white girl who looks to be around nine years old is presented next to an adult man who looks similar to many of the child rapists of the grooming gangs. The image claims that white areas – traditional communities, rural areas and schools, and towns with ‘diversity needs’, require MORE migrants.
This image is so extraordinarily blatant and so overwhelmingly insulting to the victims of the grooming gangs that it appears on first examination that it must be an image produced as a satire on leftism, suicidal empathy and oikophobia. It seems inconceivable that even a hard left organisation could create an image which so fully accepts and endorses the rape of white children, which is the only conclusion that can be drawn in the context of the grooming gang scandal.
But it isn’t satire. It’s real and deliberate.
This image cannot be accidental. It seems like a deliberate, mocking reminder of the child rapes, an image which goes beyond even the usual tone-deaf excuses and evasions from the left when it comes to the horrific gang rapes and sustained tortures that targeted white children. Is the purpose to provoke violent reaction? Or is it a sickening gloating about what happened, what the left so long denied, and what they now openly support? Is it a celebration that hard left organisations have got away with covering up these crimes in the first place, ignoring them still today, and advocating for policies that will see more child rapes by migrants in the future?
It is not an exaggeration to call this a piece of pro-ethnocide propaganda. It’s quite directly saying, by putting that little white girl and that male side by side in such a glaring manner, and by the call for the spread of this particular type of migrant to white rural areas, that it wants the child rapes of Northern industrial towns spread to the only places in Britain that were spared them.
And British unions, which should be worrying about issues such as pay and conditions for postal workers or firemen, are funding this.
This article appeared in Jupplandia on June 17, 2026, and is republished by kind permission.
